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However, Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality spokesman Kupido Baron dismissed claims that the municipality had not gazetted rates, saying this had been done since Buffalo City Municipality spokesman Keith Ngesi did not respond to Weekend Post queries at the time of going to print. Additional reporting by Barbara Hollands and Shaanaaz de Jager. This is a shortened version of an article that first appeared in the print edition of Weekend Post on Saturday July 14 Leave a comment.

Posted in Community , News. Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email. Email Address:. In practice, numerous discussions and meaningful negotiations actually do take place.

This also applies to cases where the Solidarity trade union participates in. Therefore, the Solidarity Movement will continue its strategy to declare its willingness.

Although, due to circumstances a negotiating strategy for a follow-up settlement or. This is the condition in terms of which Afrikaners will be able to make a sustainable. Die teenstrydigheid in hierdie toespraak dui onteenseglik op die onhaalbaarheid van die uitgesproke verwagtings.

Politieke insig van leiers soos dr. Verwoerd wat die ganse Afrikanervolk van sy tyd deur logiese beredenering kon oortuig om by nasionalisme te bly terwille van hulle behoud en die van al die volke betrokke, is in die wind geslaan met die onafwendbare gevolge wat nou op die rekening van die ANC gepak word. Political Ideologies. Palgrave Macmillan. New York. Princeton University. ABN lecture given on. Bush and a scared new world.

Tribune Media services. Ethnic groups in conflict. University of California Press. Paper deliverd at a.

Observations on representivity, democracy and homogenization TSAR 3. Totale besoekerstal. Artikels vertoon Trefslae Geheime Sleutel. Onthou My. DV van die AVP G raag verneem ons van jou, as voormalige voorsitter van die Volkstaat Raad, of jy enige insette, kommentaar of kritiek op die raamwerk vir selfbeskikking het.

Kom met konkrete voorstelle en dan kan ons oor sy magte onderhandel" Wat die politieke leiers van die volkstaatgesinde Afrikaners moet besef is dat die roete na 'n soewereine volkstaat loop eers deur interne selfbeskikking waarin nasionale en streekstrukture gebou word, waar die volkswil gebou word en waar die leierskap kwessies aangespreek word. For this reason, this summit is very timely as it has become necessary to reflect on the multicultural outcomes of the constitutional dispensation to prevent us from ending up in an irreversible slide towards monoculturalism.

The importance of multiculturalism Political thinker Andrew Heywood expressed the view of a growing number of political scientists that multiculturalism may become the ideology of the 21st century,i the reason being that countries and communities are becoming increasingly multicultural as a result of migration and global mobility.

Heywood thus argues that the main political issue present and future generations are facing is the quest to find ways in which people from different cultural and religious traditions can live together in peace.

This reality has forced a growing number of Western states, including almost all the member states of the European Union, to officially adopt multiculturalism and to incorporate it in public policy. Multiculturalism presupposes a positive acceptance of diversity based on the right to recognition of and respect for different cultural groups. The resulting policy is characterised by the formal recognition of the particular needs of specific groups and a desire to ensure equal opportunities for all.

A simple majoritarian democracy is too simplistic to regulate the complexities of a multicultural society. In monocultural systems the individual rights and freedoms of majorities automatically prevail over the individual rights of minorities.

In such systems, minorities will always have to fight for that which majorities accept as a given, for example to decide on the language policy of their nearest school. However, a monocultural system also easily leads to conflict because political competition degenerates into competition between communities on the grounds of identity, instead of being between individuals on the grounds of policy.

According to US political scientist Timothy Siskiii, the fact that minority communities enjoy voting rights but not sufficient voting power, causes them to experience democracy not as a freedom but as domination, given that minorities cannot easily safeguard their fundamental interests democratically against political majorities. In this way, multiculturalism can be regarded as a precondition for the equal enjoyment of the individual rights of citizens.

As Judge Albie Sachsiv had put it: Equality means equal concern and respect across difference. It does not presuppose the elimination or suppression of difference. Respect for human rights requires the affirmation of self, not the denial of self. Equality therefore does not imply a levelling or homogenisation of behaviour or extolling one form as supreme, and another as inferior, but an acknowledgment and acceptance of difference.

At the very least, it affirms that difference should not be the basis for exclusion, marginalisation and stigma. At best, it celebrates the vitality that difference brings to any society. Multiculturalism brings political arrangements in line with multicultural realities; protects minorities from forced incorporation into the majority; prevents the alienation, isolation, lack of power and political impotence of cultural minorities; it guarantees their full participation in public life; and it ensures their loyalty to the country and the nation because their fundamental interests are being protected.

In this way, unity and diversity are not opposite poles, as they are based on multiple identities that are equal. Recognition of cultural communities safeguards individual rights; distributes decision-making power more evenly; and prevents its monopolisation in the hands of a ruling elite group originating from the majority, which only articulates and promotes the interests of the majority.

This ensures group access to government, deepens democracy and ensures democratic accountability and responsiveness. The report describes cultural liberty as the freedom people have to choose their own identity and to pursue it without prejudice. Johannesburg political scientist, Professor Deon Geldenhuys, says that cultural rights, together with political, civil, economic and social rights, have globally become inextricably part of the family of human rights.

The report strongly recommends cultural liberty in multicultural countries, setting it as a vital precondition for peaceful coexistence and national unity. It cautions against attempts to create, through nation-building, culturally homogeneous states with a single identity.

The latter is regarded as a power political strategy that is irreconcilable with a democratic political culture. Instruments of power, such as the centralisation of political power, refusing minority groups to enjoy local autonomy, to pursue one official language and to follow an education system that gives precedence to the language, history and symbols of one group over that of other groups, are strongly denounced.

It distinguishes between two forms of cultural exclusion, namely exclusion based on way of life and exclusion of participation. The second type of prejudice pertains to participation exclusion in terms of which there is discrimination insofar as political, economic or social opportunities are concerned, for example exclusion when it comes to employment, business, education and politics.

The report emphasises that ensuring cultural liberty and preventing cultural exclusion ask for more than the provision of civil and political freedom by means of the democratic system. What are called for are multicultural policies which have as point of departure that States should acknowledge cultural differences and needs in their constitutions, legislation, policies and institutions.

Without cultural liberty democracy will, in practice, degenerate into freedom only for the majority. The constitutional settlement In a defining sense, the exchange of majority government for minority protection and human rights constituted the essence of the settlement. This was achieved by means of providing for the multicultural reality through the inclusion of comprehensive c onstitutional protection for language and cultural communities. One of the underlying assumptions w as that language and cultural communities should have spaces where they could be a majority to prevent every aspect of their existence being dominated by demographic majorities.

Thus political, cultural and even economic marginalisation could be prevented and all could have citizenship of equal value. The Constitution provides for 11 official languages; mother-language instruction including the provision for single medium institutions and universities, for example ; institutions for persons belonging to language, cultural and religious communities; the values of freedom, human dignity and equality enshrined in the Bill of Rights; a ban on unfair discrimination; the creation of a general council to protect the rights of persons belonging to language, cultural and religious groups; the establishment of councils for such communities and special constitutional institutions, such as Pansat, to watch over democracy and multiculturalism.

Section of the Constitution even recognises the right to pursue various forms of self-determination. The authors of the Constitution most likely heeded the warnings of statesmen such as Henry Kissinger and multicultural society experts such as Donald Horowitz about the challenges such countries pose for democracy.

In the West, democracy evolved in homogeneous societies. Electoral defeat was considered a temporary setback that could be reversed [in the West]. But in societies with distinct ethnic or political divisions, minority status often means permanent discrimination and the constant risk of political extinction.

The alternative, Horowitz cautioned, was that white domination would simply be replaced by black domination. Constitutional theory versus political practice South Africa is a multicultural country, and to make it work, we obviously have to have a multicultural dispensation. T he very theme of this conference hosted by the De Klerk Foundation, however, is an indication that there is serious concern about the future of multiculturalism.

Instead of working with realities and viewing culture communities as the constituent building blocks of the nation, the state is trying to transform the realities according to a political ideology. The strategy to achieve this is to attenuate nation-building and reconciliation to incorporation into the majority.

This is pursued by trying to transform the country and all its institutions into demographic mirror images of the population composition by means of the state ideology of transformation. In this way, peculiarly enough, under the banner of promotion of diversity, the opposite, namely homogeneity, is enforced. Where transformation initially was embraced as a process to move away from apartheid, it gradually became clear that the ultimate aim is directed at replacing the then white domination by black African hegemony.

South Africa is now becoming a "transformation state instead of a constitutional state", where the Constitution is interpreted within the framework of political transformation instead of the political policy of transformation being interpreted within the framework of the Constitution. While the wording of the Constitution has remained essentially the same in spite of several amendments, in practice, government is moving ever further away from many of the most important constitutional provisions.

The most important examples of this are the constitutional provision for multilingualism which, in practice, has become English monolingualism; equality which has become representivity, property rights which are being diluted; the introduction of a welfare system under the banner of socio-economic rights; the coopting or disempowerment of certain constitutional institutions by government; and institutions for language and culture groups such as Pansat and the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities, where in practice nothing worth mentioning has happened.

Among Afrikaners, a broad view is gaining ground that the ANC made concessions during the constitutional negotiations to acquire power, but now they are using this power to steamroller their original objectives. This is the reason for a growing disillusionment with the ultimate result of the political changes for which most Afrikaners voted enthusiastically in the early nineties. They wanted a fully-fledged democracy, but without their own democratic rights being dominated.

They thought it only fair that black people should get full civil rights and equal opportunities, but they did not want to feel like second-class citizens themselves. They voted for the abolition of racial discrimination, but they did not expect to become the target of such discrimination themselves.

They thought it was only fair if the indigenous languages could achieve their full potential, but they thought it could be done without Afrikaans being marginalised. They agreed that black people should be empowered economically, but now they are worried that the enrichment of the elite under the banner of black empowerment is harming the country and could result in the disempowerment of many.

They wanted the ANC exiles to return from abroad, but they did not want circumstances to change to such an extent that their own loved ones would have to leave the country. They were of the opinion that Afrikaner control of state media could not be justified, but they did not want this to be replaced by ANC control. They believed that black people should get their fair share of taxpayers' money without relinquishing their own fair share. They appreciated the need for an improvement of black education, but now they feel that the ANC is taking control of and anglicising Afrikaans education and institutions.

Initially, Afrikaners supported affirmative action, but they reject it being abused to anglicise institutions and to bring them under ANC control through the ideology of representivity. Afrikaner voters exchanged minority control for a democratic constitutional state, but they are becoming most concerned that the country is beginning to change into a transformation state.

In short, many Afrikaners feel that they voted for democracy but still ended up with a negotiated revolution. There are no convincing signs that the ANC views the future as multicultural, but they are using political power to block constitutional spaces for multiculturalism and are forcing monoculturalism onto the country. Rather, they are striving for a dispensation where Afrikaans individuals are incorporated into the majority by abandoning their insistence on their constitutional rights as a culture community.

The fact that there are still single-medium Afrikaans schools and that in some places space still remains for Afrikaans at university level is notwithstanding rather than owing to the ANC.

In this way, the gulf between constitutional and political spaces is becoming ever wider. I find it tragic that South Africa did not opt for a formal federal dispensation at the time of major transition. The two main advantages of federalism are that it entrenches multiculturalism more efficiently and that it limits the power of a centralist party.

The federal system limits and restrains the sovereign power by dividing it and by assigning to Government only certain defined rights. It is the only method of curbing not only the majority but the power of the whole people. A federal dispensation entrenches multiculturalism precisely because cultural communities are officially recognised and do not only have entrenched rights but also constitutionally entrenched original powers to exercise them.

The Achilles heel of multiculturalism in South Africa is the fact that the majority may decide how minorities may exercise their rights. This leans towards a system where we not only have a lack of minority rights, but one that also entrenches majority rights in the name of democracy. The starting point of a democratic multicultural strategy should therefore be the protection of its constitutional spaces and the expansion of its political spaces.

Cultural freedom for cultural communities is not only a right but a prerequisite for survival and individual rights. A multicultural system gives cultural communities a say and the original decision-making powers regarding their fundamental interests, instead of having to place all of it in the middle of the political arena where the majority decides on it.

To a large extent a mainly depoliticised Afrikaans elite, in general, no longer has the intellectual tools and the political and cultural selfconfidence to protect the constitutional spaces for multiculturalism. Thus the gap 7 between constitutional theory and political practice widens. The result is that political power eventually becomes stronger than constitutional authority, to the detriment of the fundamental interests of cultural communities as well as the institutional autonomy and academic freedom of these institutions.

Recommendations for the promotion of constitutional multiculturalism 7. This is unfortunate, since liberal parties, as parties standing for liberty and freedom, should provide space to accommodate the freedom of cultural communities as well. Philosopher Ernest Gellner considered a network of non-governmental organisations to be the best way to balance the power of a ruling powerful monopoly. Organised language and cultural communities promoting their rights and interests, form an integral part of the checks and balances needed to prevent a tyranny of the majority.

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